CPEC and maritime security

If the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) helps facilitate the China's 'One Belt, One Road' initiative it is a game changer for Pakistan. It has the inbuilt potential to transform Pakistan into a regional hub of trade, commerce and manufacturing. And that obviously tends to provoke its enemies, particularly India, into undermining the security of the corridor as it traverse through Pakistan and beyond into the Indian Ocean. For too long, Indian scholars have been digging deeper into ancient India's maritime history to substantiate two important politico-military doctrines: first, whoever controls the Indian Ocean controls Asia; and second, extra-regional powers should stay out of what they would like to call the 'India's Ocean'. Such a mindset on the part of India is indeed a challenge for both Pakistan and China to ensure maritime security and safety of sea-lanes from and to the Gwadar seaport. Rightly then the Pakistan Navy is putting in place adequate arrangements, and more are under active consideration. Pakistan Navy has adopted, what its spokesman says 'a multipronged approach to deal with the prevailing challenges such as beefing up security of Gwadar Port, conducting security patrols and coastal exercises, enhancing Maritime Domain Awareness and engaging other law-enforcing agencies'. Since over some time, maritime traffic to and from Gwadar is expected to increase manifold the maritime security is considered vital for overall success of the CPEC, and therefore safe and secure maritime environment in the Indian Ocean. And then there are also the challenges of piracy, human trafficking and smuggling. Pakistan Navy is therefore working at three basic levels: the port security, vessel security and security of sea-lanes. In fact, given the strategic dimension lent to secure and efficient working of the CPEC, Pakistan is expected to develop its own maritime security doctrine.
India is the only country, which opposed the Pak-China joint undertaking to develop Gwadar into a deep seaport. Not only does it consider it an affront to its hegemonic mindset, it also treats it as a threat to its competing interest to reach out to Afghanistan and Central Asian states through the Iranian port of Chabahar. Chabahar port provides India a channel for an easy access to Iran and Afghanistan, an advantage it would certainly employ to foment trouble in Pakistan's adjoining areas. Some well-informed circles do believe that suicide-bomb attack at a shrine near Khuzdar on the eve of operationalizing the Gwadar port and murderous attack on members of legal fraternity in Quetta in August are clearly suggestive of Indian hostility to the CPEC. Of course, of late India has lowered its anti-CPEC ante - thanks to its change of mind given China's vow that its 'One Belt, One Road' initiative is essentially apolitical having no military objectives whatsoever - but who knows for how long. Since China will station its vessels at the Gwadar port and thus secure a permanent place for itself in the Arabian Sea, it's not beyond India's regional aspirations to raise the bogey of extra-regional powers in the Indian Ocean. And as it would do so the one country which would instantly lend its support is the United States. The United States is certainly apprehensive of China's presence in the Indian Ocean because it would tend to divert India's attention away from Asia Pacific, undermining its attempts to contain China. No doubt securing Gwadar port and its sea-lanes across the Indian Ocean is a huge maritime security challenge for the Pakistan Navy. For this to materialise it requires more patrol ships and fast attack interceptor craft. And to this there is no alternative - whatever the cost.