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“If you’re not a socialist in your 20s you don’t have a heart,” they used to say.

“But if you’re still a socialist in your 40s you don’t have a mind.”

I am pushing 50 now, and (happily) past such dilemmas.

Yet something inside me still recoiled at how Latin America’s great Bolivarian experiment was extinguished. Not with a bang, not even with a whimper, but with clinical efficiency. A revolution that once promised dignity, redistribution and sovereignty was ended in a single morning, reduced from a once roaring fire to a few embers stamped out by a very deliberate boot.

This is not nostalgia for what Venezuela became.

The Bolivarian Revolution had long since rotted. Corruption metastasised. Institutions hollowed out. Cronyism replaced competence. Millions voted with their feet. Whatever affection Hugo Chávez once commanded, Nicolás Maduro did not. By the end, the system was widely resented, economically corrosive and politically exhausted. The romance had died years ago.

And yet, its manner of death still matters.

What unfolded in Caracas was not chaos or miscalculation. It was the opposite. No invasion footage. No prolonged fighting. No global outcry. No serious diplomatic cost. A decapitation strike, executed with brutal neatness. The head removed, the body left standing, obedient.

The choreography was telling. Maduro gone. His successor briefly protested, then promptly complied. Public defiance followed by quiet submission. Almost in parallel, the financial press pivoted. The same interim authority was suddenly described as pragmatic, investable, open for business. Oil executives lined up. Bond prices jumped. Traders smiled.

This was not improvisation. It was preparation.

Markets, as usual, read the signs before politicians did. Venezuelan sovereign bonds had been creeping higher well before the final act, pricing in regime change long before it became official. Capital rarely waits for moral clarity. It anticipates power shifts and positions accordingly. Somewhere in the plumbing of global finance, a post-Maduro Venezuela was already being sketched out.

That alone should give pause to anyone still clinging to comforting illusions about how the world works.

Donald Trump, whatever else one thinks of him, means what he says. When he talks about oil, he means oil. When he talks about spheres of influence, he means domination. There is no humanitarian varnish here, no democracy-promotion theatre. This was power exercised nakedly, without apology.

It was about control of the world’s largest proven crude reserves. It was about wrenching Venezuela out of China’s orbit. It was about reasserting an old doctrine in a new, blunter form. Call it Monroe revisited, call it imperial muscle memory, call it what you will. The message was unmistakable.

And it was delivered not just to Caracas, but to everyone watching.

This is why it matters to disagree with Trump even when he is effective. Efficiency is not virtue. Competence in coercion does not confer legitimacy. A world that rewards raw power simply because it is well executed is not a stable one. It is merely a more efficiently brutal one.

The Bolivarian project, for all its later failures, emerged from something real. Chávez did channel oil wealth into social programmes. Poverty fell. Literacy improved. For a time, Venezuelans felt seen by the state rather than looted by it. That promise, however flawed in execution, inspired movements far beyond Caracas – Tariq Ali’s “Pirates of the Caribbean”. It offered a counter-narrative to neoliberal orthodoxy and US tutelage.

That promise ultimately collapsed under mismanagement, external pressure and internal decay. But its annihilation by force rather than political reckoning should trouble anyone who cares about sovereignty, even selectively.

Because what replaced it was not democracy. It was a transaction.

At the heart of this lies the petrodollar, that quiet but formidable architecture underpinning American power since the 1970s. Oil priced in dollars. Surpluses recycled into US assets. Energy flows reinforcing financial dominance. Venezuela’s reserves, if fully brought back into production under US-aligned management, would strengthen that system at a moment when it is visibly fraying.

This is not conspiracy. It is arithmetic.

The dollar’s share of global reserves has been declining for years. More oil trades are being settled outside the greenback. China has been patient, methodical, and deeply embedded in Latin American commodity flows. Reasserting control over Venezuelan crude is not merely about barrels per day. It is about preserving a monetary order.

Seen through that lens, Venezuela’s fate looks less like an isolated episode and more like an opening chapter.

That is what makes this moment unsettling. Not because the fallen regime deserved saving, but because the precedent is so clean. Remove an inconvenient leader. Install a compliant authority. Stabilise markets. Invite capital. Dare anyone to object.

The silence was deafening because the calculation was obvious. No one wants to be next. No one wants to test how far this logic might extend.

The revolution is dead. Long live the revolution. The phrase fits uncomfortably well. What survives is not Bolivarian socialism, but the recurring illusion that ideals alone can withstand power. They cannot. Not without institutions, competence, accountability and economic realism.

Venezuela’s tragedy is that it squandered its early gains and left itself vulnerable to precisely this ending. But the larger warning is for everyone else. Empires do not announce themselves with speeches anymore. They move through balance sheets, bond markets and oil contracts. This is only the beginning. For Venezuela, the road ahead is uncertain, fraught, and unlikely to be gentle. For the rest of the world, the lesson is clearer. Romantic myths die easily. Effective power does not. And a global order that applauds efficiency while averting its eyes from consequence should not be surprised when the boots keep marching.

Copyright Business Recorder, 2026

Shahab Jafry

The writer can be reached at [email protected]

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