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As Pakistan approaches the FY2027 budget cycle, it does so under an increasingly volatile regional environment. Escalating tensions in the Middle East, fragile global energy markets, and persistent geopolitical uncertainty have turned economic planning into a high-stakes exercise.

For a country already grappling with a massive widening electricity shortfall, dollar and LNG scarcity, structural imbalances, widening trade deficit, ballooning borrowings from domestic and international lenders to meet rising expenditures, the central question is no longer academic: should Pakistan pursue a growth-led budget, or double down on macroeconomic stability under the program?

Country’s apex trade body FPCCI, Pakistan Business Council PBC, Chambers and exporters’ associations have already sent their proposals; mostly are focused on relief seeking “tax and tariffs cuts” for business survival.

The honest answer is uncomfortable but unavoidable—Pakistan does not currently have the luxury of choosing growth over stability.

The illusion of a growth-led budget

Calls for a “growth budget” are politically appealing. Lower taxes, higher development spending, industrial incentives, and subsidized energy all promise immediate economic activity. But this model rests on fiscal space that Pakistan simply does not possess under a jumbo-sized government.

With a debt-to-GDP ratio hovering at precarious levels, external financing needs rising, and domestic revenue mobilization still weak focused on existing tax complaint and far away from non-taxpayer big wigs. Any aggressive growth push risks widening fiscal and current account deficits. Pakistan has tried this playbook before—each time ending in balance-of-payments crises, currency depreciation, and emergency bailouts. A growth-led budget, in the current context, would likely be debt-fueled rather than productivity-driven. That is not growth—it is crisis delayed.

IMF discipline: necessary but painful

The ongoing IMF programme demands fiscal consolidation, focus on broadening the narrow tax base, energy sector reforms and subsidy, market-based pricing mechanisms. These measures are often criticized as anti-growth, but they aim to correct deep-rooted distortions in Pakistan’s economy.

The energy sector alone—crippled by circular debt stands at Rs1.9 trillion mark, swelled Rs200 billion in 2 months, increased from Rs1.689 billion at December-2025 to Rs 1.889 billion at end of February 2026 inspite of flawed efforts to address rising black hole in the economy. Inefficient distribution and politically motivated pricing continues to drain public finances. Without structural reform, any attempt to stimulate growth through subsidized energy will only exacerbate fiscal stress.

Similarly, the tax system remains narrow and regressive. Less than 3 percent of the population files income tax returns, while indirect taxes disproportionately burden the documented sector and poor consumers. Expanding the tax base is not just an IMF condition—it is an economic necessity to reduce tax rates on highly burdened industries and salaried class.

War risks and economic reality

Regional conflict introduces a new layer of risk that cannot be ignored. Rising oil prices, disrupted supply chains, and heightened security expenditures could derail even the most carefully crafted budget.

Pakistan’s import bill is highly sensitive to energy prices. A sustained spike in crude oil could widen the current account deficit, weaken the rupee, and fuel inflation. In such a scenario, a stability-focused budget acts as a buffer, preserving foreign exchange reserves and maintaining investor confidence.

Conversely, a loose fiscal stance under these conditions would be reckless. Markets do not forgive policy indiscipline during geopolitical crises.

The middle path: stability with targeted growth

The debate should not be framed as a binary choice. Pakistan needs a stability-first budget with carefully targeted growth interventions.

  1. Protect productive sectors first

Export-oriented industries—textiles, IT, and agriculture particularly cotton, rice, pulses, oil seeds, maize, and high value spices crops—should receive focused support at farm level to increase production at reduced cost, not blanket subsidies at shipment port stage. Recently, DLTL incentive allowed to boost rice exports miserably failed; rather it inflated domestic prices. Incentives must be productivity performance-linked, encouraging efficiency and competitiveness rather than dependency.

  1. Reduce withholding tax on exports to 1 percent and revert back to Final Tax Regime (FTR) from Minimum Tax Regime (MTR)

  2. Rationalize, not expand, development spending

Public Sector Development Programme (PSDP) allocations, particularly water storage dams’ construction, hydel power projects, Iran gas and oil pipeline, export-enabling infrastructure should be prioritized. Political vanity projects must be shelved. Although Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) expanded to Rs700 billion, it failed to reduce poverty or introduce any productivity in the country; reported corruption cases need to end completely.

  1. Energy pricing with protection mechanisms

Market-based energy pricing is essential, but targeted subsidies through banks for vulnerable households can mitigate social impact. The current system of across-the-board subsidies is fiscally unsustainable.

  1. Aggressive revenue mobilization

Digitization of tax collection, minimize physical interaction of tax collector with taxpayers. Integration of retail and wholesale sectors, and surprise crackdown on undocumented income streams must become central pillars of the budget.

  1. Debt management discipline

Reducing reliance on short-term domestic borrowing and extending debt maturities can ease fiscal pressure. Every new loan must be linked with growth-generating investment, not for providing luxury cars, house renovations, perks for officials, parliamentarians, Senate Chairman and National Assembly Speaker, etc.

Political will: the missing ingredient

Every budget blueprint eventually collides with political reality. Reforming subsidies, expanding the tax net, and enforcing fiscal discipline require political courage that has historically been in short supply.

Yes, the cost of inaction is far greater.

Conclusion

Pakistan’s FY2027 budget must resist the temptation of short-term populism. In a region under “war fire,” economic resilience becomes the first line of defence. Stability is not the enemy of growth—it is its precondition.

A disciplined, reform-oriented budget aligned with IMF benchmarks, supplemented by targeted pro-growth measures, offers the only credible path forward. Anything else risks repeating a familiar and costly cycle.

The choice is stark: controlled adjustment today or uncontrolled crisis tomorrow.

Copyright Business Recorder, 2026

Shamsul Islam Khan

The writer is a former Vice President KCCI and an independent economic analyst

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