In inter-state relationships there is no such thing as single-dimensional cooperation confined to specific areas; over time, the member-states widen the scope of their linkages to include new subjects or objectives. The same happens with regional organisations, which when launched might be confined to one or two specific subjects. But as the member-states' mutual trust grows they explore new avenues.
So seems to be the case of Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) which was launched in 2001 as the Shanghai Five, with the stated objective 'to move towards the establishment of a new, democratic, just and rational political and economic order'. It was not a military body - though the western analysts, perhaps rightly, projected the SCO as an anti-Nato counterweight. Then the idea behind the move was that it would act as a 'neighbourhood watch', geared to confront threats that can emerge from within the members' national borders to the detriment of their neighbours. But 10 years on, the SCO is today as much a political platform as it is an organisation committed to increased economic inter-state cooperation and improved regional security.
The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation is as much concerned about the global security situation as the European Union or the Arab League or any other international or regional organisation with the Astana Declaration, issued at the conclusion of SCO's 10th anniversary its manifestation. Of course, the Astana Summit - attended by heads of state representing China, Russia, and four Central Asian Republics and observer-status Pakistan, India, Iran and Mongolia - did discuss ways and means to increase mutual economic ties and expand security cooperation.
But the SCO member states also sharply focused on strategic issues. They stressed the need to stop the armed conflict in Libya and asked the parties to "fully comply strictly with the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1970 and Resolution 1973". That being the SCO leaders' perspective on global security, it's only natural that as neighbours, the organisation would have a greater say as the war in Afghanistan nears its end. One would like to argue that it would have been more realistic if instead of the Nato forces, the United Nations had sought the regional countries' help.
Given that the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation has the wherewithal to emerge as the 21st century's major power bloc in the heart of Eurasia, Pakistan is then rightly keen on becoming the body's Full Member. For too long we have been the so-called strategic partner of the half-the-world-away West - only to be jettisoned at the will of its ally. Pakistan is indeed in need of new strategic partnerships, and that appears to be a possibility as the SCO gains momentum. Last November, at the 9th Heads of Government Council meeting in the Tajikistan Capital Dushanbe, Prime Minister Gilani had vigorously pleaded for Full Membership. Then India was not very keen to be Full Member, but now it has it eyes on a greater role in post-war Afghanistan. At the Astana summit also, Pakistan expressed its desire to be Full Member. President Zardari hoped that Pakistan's application for Full Membership would be put on fast track, and in the meantime, he told the SCO leaders, Pakistan would work with member states "to maintain regional peace, spread regional prosperity and defeat terrorism". Pakistan shares with the Central Asian people, centuries of common history, he said adding "apart from our geographical location the geo-economic realities also encourage Pakistan to join the SCO as Full Members". In return, Pakistan offers to the SCO member-states, the advantage of easy access to the warm waters of the Arabian Sea via its Gwadar port.
















Comments
Comments are closed for this article.