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Opinion

Why Pakistan’s food prices keep swinging

  • Pakistan's food paradox: farmers get low prices, consumers pay high
Published Updated
9 min
Summary new

A bumper harvest should bring relief. Instead, it can leave farmers facing falling prices, while a poor harvest can turn the same commodity into an expensive burden for consumers. Between these extremes lies one of Pakistan’s persistent economic problems: food-price volatility.

The problem is not simply that food prices rise. It is that they can move sharply in either direction, often leaving farmers uncertain about returns and households struggling to anticipate their food bills.

Recent data illustrate the scale of these pressures. According to the Food and Agriculture Organization’s September 2026 analysis, Pakistani wheat-flour prices in August 2026 were 50–83 per cent higher than a year earlier, reflecting elevated production and transport costs. Such movements point to a deeper weakness in the food system.

Such movements point to a deeper weakness in the food system. Prices are shaped not only by what farmers produce, but also by what happens afterwards, how crops are stored, transported, traded and processed, how much is lost along the way, and how quickly markets respond to changes in supply and demand.

The volatility is not confined to Pakistan. The FAO Food Price Index averaged 133.3 points in August 2026, up 2.5 per cent from a year earlier.

For Pakistan, however, global market movements are only part of the story. Domestic production cycles, inadequate storage, transport costs, gaps in market information, trade policies and energy prices can amplify external and climate-related shocks.

When energy becomes a food-price issue

Petroleum is an important link between energy costs and food prices.

Fuel is embedded throughout the agricultural value chains. Farmers use energy for machinery, irrigation and harvesting. Produce then has to move from farms to collection centres, wholesale markets, processors and retailers. Storage and food processing also carry energy costs.

A rise in fuel prices does not necessarily translate into a higher food price overnight. Instead, persistent increases can gradually raise the cost of moving and handling food.

The relationship between fuel and food prices is therefore more complicated than a simple one-to-one link. A change in petrol prices today does not mean that every food item will become more expensive tomorrow. Contracts, inventories, market competition and the perishability of individual commodities all affect the speed and extent of price transmission.

But prolonged energy-cost pressures can raise the cost of the entire food supply chain.

The farmer-consumer paradox

Food-price volatility creates a paradox for Pakistan’s agricultural economy.

Consumers may face high retail prices while farmers receive relatively low farm-gate prices.

The difference is not necessarily pure profit for intermediaries. Transportation, labor, packaging, storage, financing, spoilage and market risks all have costs. But a large gap can also indicate weaknesses in the way agricultural produce moves through the value chains.

The Asian Development Bank (ADB) has identified inadequate storage, transport, packaging and finance as important weaknesses in Pakistan’s horticultural value chains. It argues that stronger infrastructure, modern agricultural markets and better links between producers and markets can reduce losses and improve the efficiency of the system.

This matters particularly for fruits and vegetables.

When produce cannot be stored or transported efficiently, farmers may have little choice but to sell quickly. A temporary glut can therefore produce a sharp fall in farm-gate prices, even while consumers later face higher prices when supplies tighten.

Why production cycles matter

High prices can themselves contribute to future volatility.

When farmers receive unusually high returns for a crop, they have an incentive to increase cultivation in the following season. If many farmers respond in the same way, production may rise substantially.

A subsequent glut can push prices down.

Farmers then have an incentive to reduce cultivation, potentially contributing to a shortage in the following season.

The cycle can turn yesterday’s high price into tomorrow’s low price and today’s low price into tomorrow’s shortage.

Pakistan’s latest agricultural data illustrate how farmers respond to expected returns. The Pakistan Economic Survey 2025–26 reports that sugarcane cultivation expanded by 2.4 per cent and production increased by 6.2 per cent to 89.45 million tonnes. The survey links the expansion partly to higher expected returns compared with competing crops such as cotton and maize.

This is rational behaviour at the farm level. The difficulty arises when thousands of farmers make similar decisions without reliable information about future market conditions.

Better market information can therefore be part of the solution.

Farmers need timely information about prices, expected demand, weather, production and trade conditions. Without it, planting decisions may be based heavily on last season’s prices rather than the market conditions likely to prevail when the next crop is harvested.

Perishability magnifies the problem

The problem is particularly acute for perishable commodities.

Tomatoes, onions, fruits and vegetables cannot be stored indefinitely while farmers wait for a better price. Where cold storage is inadequate and transportation is costly, produce may have to be sold quickly.

ACIAR-supported work in Pakistan has focused on potatoes, chillies, tomatoes and onions, with interventions aimed at improving pre- and post-harvest processes, packaging, transport and marketing. Its work on Pakistan’s citrus sector reports post-harvest losses of between 23 per cent and 38 per cent.

This makes food loss an economic issue as well as a food-security concern.

Every kilogram lost after harvest represents land, water, fertilizer, labor, energy and capital that have already been used but have failed to generate their full economic value.

Losses can also affect prices. When less produce reaches markets, effective supply falls. If demand remains unchanged, prices can rise.

At the same time, the farmer may not benefit from the higher retail price because the crop has already left the farm.

Climate adds another layer

Weather shocks can intensify these existing weaknesses.

Floods, heatwaves, droughts and irregular rainfall can reduce production, damage roads and storage facilities, and disrupt the movement of agricultural commodities.

The 2022 and 2025 floods demonstrated the wider economic consequences. The World Bank reported that the floods affected 33 million people and that the national poverty rate could rise by 3.7 to 4 percentage points, potentially pushing between 8.4m and 9.1m additional people below the poverty line. Rising food prices and losses to agricultural livelihoods were among the consequences.

Climate shocks therefore do not remain confined to farms. They can affect food supplies, transportation, household incomes and poverty simultaneously.

More production is not enough

Pakistan’s agriculture sector grew 2.89 per cent in 2025–26, according to the latest Economic Survey. Important crops grew 0.65 per cent, while wheat production reached 29.61m tonnes, sugarcane 89.45m tonnes and rice 9.99m tonnes. Other crops performed strongly, with pulses increasing 31.4 per cent, vegetables 12.6 per cent and fruits 2.8 per cent.

These figures demonstrate that food availability and food-price stability are not necessarily the same thing.

A country can produce more food and still experience sharp price movements if produce cannot be stored, transported and marketed efficiently.

The challenge is therefore not simply to increase production. It is to improve the system that connects production with consumption.

Can digital agriculture help?

Digital technology offers one possible way to improve that connection.

Mobile-based market information, digital platforms linking farmers with buyers, electronic payments, weather information and digital advisory services may reduce information gaps and improve farmers’ ability to respond to market conditions.

A farmer who knows the prices being offered in several markets may be in a stronger bargaining position than one who depends entirely on information from a single buyer.

But digitalisation cannot substitute for physical infrastructure.

An application cannot transport tomatoes.

A digital marketplace cannot replace cold storage.

A price-information platform cannot repair a rural road.

Digital agriculture will therefore have limited impact unless it is accompanied by investment in storage, collection centres, transport, processing and reliable energy.

The policy challenge

Food-price spikes often create pressure for immediate government intervention. Authorities may impose price controls, restrict exports, allow imports or take action against alleged hoarding.

Some intervention may be necessary during genuine emergencies. But repeated short-term interventions can create uncertainty for farmers and traders when policies are unpredictable.

The objective should be to make the food system more resilient rather than simply trying to suppress individual price increases.

Pakistan needs better agricultural forecasting so that likely surpluses and shortages can be identified earlier. It needs greater investment in storage and cold chains for perishables, improved rural roads and more efficient logistics.

Farmers also need reliable market information, while processors, retailers and exporters need predictable access to agricultural supplies.

Trade policy deserves particular attention.

If farmers do not know whether imports will suddenly be allowed or exports restricted when prices change, they cannot make planting decisions with confidence.

The same principle applies to energy.

Frequent changes in petroleum prices may be necessary to reflect international conditions, but policymakers should recognize that fuel costs affect the movement of agricultural commodities and therefore the wider food system. FAO’s recent analysis of Pakistan’s wheat-flour market demonstrates this connection directly.

Beyond price controls

Pakistan cannot eliminate every movement in food prices.

Agricultural markets will always respond to seasons, weather, supply and demand.

The objective should instead be to reduce unnecessary volatility: the volatility created by inadequate storage, poor market information, inefficient transport, policy uncertainty and avoidable supply-chain losses.

A price increase caused by a genuine production shock is one thing. A price increase amplified by poor storage, costly transportation and delayed policy responses is another.

Likewise, a bumper crop that causes farmers to receive extremely low prices is not necessarily a sign of agricultural success if much of the additional output cannot be stored, processed or marketed profitably.

Food-price stability therefore requires more than controlling prices at the retail level.

It requires a food system capable of absorbing shocks.

Pakistan needs better data, stronger infrastructure, efficient logistics, reliable market information, predictable trade policies and a more resilient energy system.

The question is not simply why food prices keep rising.

It is why they keep swinging so sharply.

Until Pakistan addresses the weaknesses between production and consumption and recognizes the links between energy, agriculture, logistics and market, food-price volatility will remain a recurring burden for both farmers and households.

Abdullah

The writer is affiliated with the Department of Food Science and Technology, Bahauddin Zakariya University (BZU), Multan, Pakistan

Manan Aslam

The writer is affiliated with the School of Management, Jiangsu University, Zhenjiang, Jiangsu, P.R. China, and the Department of Agribusiness and Entrepreneurship Development, MNS-University of Agriculture, Multan, Pakistan

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