Tense Trump-Modi call helped unravel decades of US policy: report
- It says India saw a shift in tone from the White House after that phone call
In the weeks after India and Pakistan agreed to a ceasefire in May, officials in New Delhi seethed over Donald Trump’s claims that he brokered an end to a four-day armed conflict, Bloomberg reported
As the US president repeatedly spoke about how he prevented a nuclear war, Indian diplomats started to push back publicly against his version of events.
The nuclear-armed South Asian nations came very close to a nuclear flashpoint in May this year, after India launched missile attacks on Pakistan, accusing it of orchestrating a terrorist attack in Pahalgam in the Indian Illegally Occupied Kashmir that took 26 lives.
On the same night, Pakistan Air Force (PAF) shot down five Indian aircraft, including French-built Rafale jets.
While India dismissed those claims, it later confirmed that it had lost an unspecified number of fighter jets during the conflict.
Indian Chief of Defence Staff Anil Chauhan acknowledged the losses during a May 31 interview, without providing further details.
The episode took a diplomatic turn a month later when U.S. President Donald Trump, in an unprecedented move, held a one-on-one meeting with Pakistan’s Army Chief Gen. Asim Munir at the White House.
Since the May standoff, Trump has repeatedly asserted that he personally brokered a ceasefire between the two countries, contradicting India’s narrative that the truce was mutually agreed.
The same was discussed during a June 17 phone call between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Trump, which came after Trump left the Group of Seven summit in Canada early and couldn’t meet the Indian leader in person.
In the 35-minute conversation, Modi told Trump that the two nations directly discussed a ceasefire upon Pakistan’s request following a bombardment by India. Modi said India “does not and will never accept mediation,” according to an Indian read-out, adding that Trump “listened carefully.”
Modi felt like he needed to set the record straight in the call after his aides discovered that Trump planned to host a lunch the following day at the White House for Pakistani Army Chief Asim Munir, according to officials in New Delhi familiar with the matter, who requested anonymity to speak about confidential discussions.
While India had no problem if Trump met Pakistan’s civilian leaders, hosting Munir was seen as giving legitimacy to a military that Modi’s government accuses of supporting militant groups, they said. Wary that Trump would look to orchestrate a meeting between Munir and Modi, the Indian leader turned down an invitation to stop by the White House on the way back from Canada, they said, adding that he was also committed to visiting Croatia.
Although the US never made a direct request for Modi to acknowledge Trump’s role in the ceasefire, India saw a shift in tone from the White House after that phone call, according to the officials in New Delhi. Once Trump began publicly attacking India, they added, it was clear the episode marked a turning point in the broader relationship.
The events in May and June help explain a stunning escalation in tensions between the nations, which culminated this week when Trump said he’d impose a 50% tariff on Indian exports to the US — half of which includes a penalty for purchases of Russian oil. Even though Trump left some wiggle room to strike a deal, his vitriolic comments about India are upending a decades-long push by the US to court the world’s most populous country as a counterweight to China.
Trump this month slammed India as a “dead” economy with “obnoxious” trade barriers and little concern for Ukrainians killed in battles with Russia. While Modi and Trump haven’t chatted since that June call, the Indian leader on Friday spoke with Russian President Vladimir Putin and invited him to visit later this year.
“The carefully crafted consensus of successive administrations has brought the two largest democracies together for almost three decades, and the administration’s actions could endanger this progress if not brought to quick resolution,” said Eric Garcetti, who was the US ambassador to India until January. “I hope that cooler minds will prevail in both capitals. There’s too much at stake.”
India’s Ministry of External Affairs didn’t respond to an email seeking further information.
The White House didn’t respond to requests for comment on how US-India relations have deteriorated and for details on Trump’s role in brokering an India-Pakistan ceasefire. During a briefing on Thursday, State Department deputy spokesperson Tommy Pigott said Trump was taking action to address concerns about trade imbalances with India and the nation’s purchases of Russian oil.
“India is a strategic partner with whom we engage in a full and frank dialog that will continue,” Pigott said. “Like anything in foreign policy, you’re not going to align 100% of the time on everything.”
When Trump came back to the White House earlier this year, he looked set to build upon the warm ties with Modi during his first term. The US leader said the “relationship is the best it’s ever been between two leaders of the two countries,” while Modi called Trump “my dear friend.”
After Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs in early April, the two sides rushed to start trade talks. Vice President JD Vance met Modi in India several weeks later, with both sides touting progress toward reaching a deal.
Yet the talks became more contentious as the weeks dragged on. India’s stance began to harden after China’s deal with Trump, with New Delhi threatening to impose retaliatory tariffs on the US in response to higher duties on steel and aluminum. Tensions also emerged over longstanding issues like genetically modified crops and agricultural access.
Then came the spat over the India-Pakistan ceasefire along with Trump’s tougher stance toward Putin, who had resisted the US president’s efforts to forge a truce with Ukraine. In a bid to find leverage around mid-July, Trump threatened stiff tariffs on nations that import Russian oil — putting India squarely in the crossfire.
Indian officials were still confident in reaching a deal, with a proposal sent to Trump’s desk. Anticipating that the US leader may announce a deal at any time, Modi asked his team to prepare a statement welcoming the agreement, according to Indian officials.
The mood began to sour, however, as the president began announcing agreements with a range of other countries. Then Trump surprised India with its July 30 announcement of a 25% “reciprocal” tariff, triggering a spiral in ties over Russia that led to the higher duties this week.
One Indian official, who asked not to be identified, cited several missteps along the way. Negotiators underestimated the power of the farm lobby, Midwestern senators and dairy cooperatives, the official said, while also failing to prepare a fallback option that could produce a quick win if Trump escalated.
Modi has been defiant after Trump’s escalation this week, vowing to protect the interests of small-scale farmers while his government blasted the US tariffs as “unfair, unjustified and unreasonable.” Still, people familiar with the situation said India has no plans to retaliate and officials are assessing whether to make some concessions — particularly in the agriculture and dairy sectors — to find a deal.
At the same time, Modi is reassessing a recent tilt toward the US. During the Cold War, India formed a strategic relationship with the Soviet Union to counter a US alliance with Pakistan. Over the decades, New Delhi has been able to rely on Russian support, including in its 1971 war with Pakistan and at the United Nations Security Council.
“The Russia relationship is old, time-tested,” said Navdeep Suri, India’s former high commissioner to Australia. “All those days when the US was letting New Delhi down, including at the United Nations, Moscow stood behind India like a rock. Oil is a small part of the current story. India won’t like to be seen as capitulating under pressure.