Close neighbour, distant market: how Pakistan lags behind in Dubai’s eateries

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) represents one of the world’s most lucrative food import corridors. With less than 1 percent arable land, the country imports 80 percent to 90 percent of its food. In 2024, its consumer-oriented food imports scaled to USD 16.2 billion, while broader foodstuffs trade exceeded USD 9.34 billion.

Pakistan commands a minor 3.5 percent to 4.5 percent share (USD 600 million to USD 700 million annually) of this basket. According to UN COMTRADE data, this includes USD 191.21 million in meat, USD 121.36 million in cereals, USD 70.15 million in vegetables, and USD 48.15 million in fruits.

These figures expose a stark divergence when mapped against competitors like Brazil (USD 1.34 billion) and India (USD 1.09 billion). A casual walk through Dubai’s eateries reveals a troubling paradox: the local supply chain is heavily dominated by Brazilian poultry and beef, despite a massive logistical divide. Brazil aggressively dominates the UAE market from the other side of the planet—enduring an 18-hour flight time and a maritime voyage of 20 to 30 days.

Meanwhile, Pakistan sits right next door, a mere two-hour flight from Karachi and under 30 hours away by sea. When examined through the analytical lens of institutional accountability—as outlined in the earlier piece “Export Promotion Without Exports: Time to Audit Trade Business” — the data reveals that Pakistan’s current market footprint is a product of accidental geographic proximity, not structural strategy. To expand market share, the state must pivot from decorative bureaucratic “promotion” to cold, outcome-based “performance”.

As detailed in the earlier audit of Pakistan’s trade machinery, entities like the Trade Development Authority of Pakistan (TDAP) treat export promotion as an ongoing ceremonial exercise rather than a targeted numbers game. With nearly half of the budget consumed by bureaucratic overhead, the return on investment (ROI) remains unmeasured. In the UAE food market, this institutional inertia manifests in three distinct failures.

First is the luxury exhibition trap, where millions are spent sending delegations to exhibitions in Dubai. Success is measured by the size of the pavilion and press releases, rather than long-term contract finalization. Second is the sovereign compliance deficit.

The UAE is formalizing its food ecosystem under its National Food Security Strategy 2051, demanding sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) compliance and traceable cold chains.

Brazil overcame its geographic disadvantage by building flawless cold chain logistics and globally recognized safety standards, while Pakistani exporters face arbitrary local regulations and zero domestic harmonization.

Third is the absence from global value chains. The UAE processes and re-exports food, but because Pakistani trade counsellors are not bound to hard outcome metrics, they fail to integrate Pakistani raw yields into high-margin hubs like Dubai’s Food Tech Valley.

To disrupt the status quo and aggressively capture a double-digit share of the UAE’s multi-billion dollar food market, Pakistan must apply localized, structural changes grounded in absolute institutional accountability.

First, the Ministry of Commerce must dismantle the traditional appraisal system for trade diplomats. The performance and financial incentives of commercial counsellors in Dubai and Abu Dhabi must be directly tethered to verifiable numbers: the volume expansion of high-value agricultural sectors (transitioning from bulk raw meat to shelf-ready vacuum packs), the number of new verified buyers secured, and the elimination of non-tariff barriers and port-clearance delays.

Second, every rupee drawn from the Export Development Fund (EDF) to finance food delegations must undergo a strict, publicly accessible ROI test. If a state-funded trade show participation does not yield signed purchase orders worth at least ten times its cost within 180 days, the promotional framework for that specific sub-sector must be overhauled or privatized.

Third, Pakistan must shift from raw bulk commodities to value-added value chains. Pakistan’s current advantage is dangerously basic: raw bovine carcasses and bulk sacks of unbranded rice. To capture premium segments, the state must incentivize processors by eliminating complex Special Regulatory Orders (SROs) that favour politically connected textile barons. Instead, the state should use clear, universal tariff codes to allow food processors to import modern packaging materials, cold-storage technology, and testing equipment completely duty-free.

Finally, rather than spending public money on international travel, funds should be redirected toward establishing internationally accredited testing laboratories and cold-chain infrastructure at domestic departure hubs like Karachi, Multan, and Lahore. Aligning Pakistani agricultural outputs directly with the strict import protocols of the UAE Ministry of Climate Change and Environment (MOCCAE) eliminates risk for Middle Eastern buyers, positioning Pakistan as a permanent pillar of the Gulf’s regional food security net.

The stark reality observed in Dubai’s eateries proves that proximity means nothing without professionalism. Brazil has proven that efficiency can defeat thousands of miles of ocean, while Pakistan proves that absolute bureaucratic inertia can squander the ultimate geographic advantage. By replacing ceremonial “promotion” with a ruthless, audited, and metric-driven “performance” framework, Pakistan can finally exploit its backyard advantage and transform its agricultural sector from a low-margin survival mechanism into an efficient export powerhouse.

Copyright Business Recorder, 2026