Nothing can, perhaps, so succinctly sum up the Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's dilemma of hope and despair than his one-liner the other day: "If I can succeed in normalising relations between India and Pakistan as they should prevail between two normal states, I would consider my job well done". That's all he wants, and not the 'five things' he would like to achieve with Pakistan, he told a journalist as he flew home from Kazakhstan.
Over the last two years, particularly from the day at the Egyptian sea resort Sharm el-Sheikh, when in his meeting with Prime Minister Gilani last year, Singh has made significant departures from what the Indian establishment thinks in term of reviving relations with Pakistan. But his latest, the invitation to his Pakistani counterpart to come to New Delhi and watch the Cricket World Cup semi-final between Pakistan and India at Mohali, did prove to be a new thaw between the two neighbours.
Even when his detractors in India tend to trivialise his remark as a diversion from the slew of scandals that are rocking his government, we would be disinclined to accept that perspective. If the prime minister of India wishes to normalise relations with Pakistan, as he told that journalist during his travel, we think the spirit for rapprochement that imbibes his thinking can greatly help in improving the bilateral relationship.
That said, one would not miss out on a tinge of helplessness in Singh's remark. Sometime ago, WikiLeaks had shown that his hands were tied and that there were misgivings within his own administration, including his national security advisor, over his initiatives for normalisation of ties with Pakistan. Who knows better than Dr Singh that in both the cases of Siachin and Sir Creek, it's the Indian military that is the only obstacle in making public the understanding reached. The same mindset is said to have subverted his commitment made to Gilani at Sharm el-Sheikh to discuss Indian interference in Balochistan. At Thimphu also, his Foreign Minister S M Krishna had told the Pakistani officials that his prime minister wants to make peace with Pakistan, his 'legacy'. In the next two months or so, a series of contacts is expected to take place between the officials of the two countries providing opportunity to New Delhi to translate Singh's desire for normalisation with Pakistan into concrete agreements.
With due deference to Dr Singh's wish for comprehensive peace in South Asia, one would like to point out various moves his government is making at the international level to oppose Pakistan's access to EU markets. India also never stops maligning Pakistan's nuclear programme. If there is some progress in areas of security and the anti-terrorism co-operation between Pakistan and India, which of course is there, it is understandable. But more important is the revival of the 'composite dialogue', without which there is hardly a chance for Dr Singh's words to receive respect from his own government. With India's focus on terrorism and the security-oriented issues, India may be side-stepping the composite dialogue, which places Kashmir at the top of its agenda. We wish Dr Singh had elaborated on his remark and how he thinks normalisation can take place. Of course, his desire for durable peace between Pakistan and India is welcomed. But the time has come to move forward and give tangible form to such expressions.