Change is in the air, just as it had been when Muhammad Ali Jinnah delivered his landmark address in Lahore in 1940. Change is in the air, just as Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto had garnered massive popular support when he spoke in Lahore in 1967, after quitting the portfolio of foreign minister under Ayub Khan. Change is in the air, after Imran Khan was received by a roaring crowd of thousands in Lahore this Sunday. But, can the Khan usher in a new season of social reform, economic independence and political astuteness in the country? In the history of the subcontinent, Lahore has always been a hotbed of political activism and its climate has remained a precursor of the political realities of the region. Even the most recent mass mobilisation of civil society, the lawyers movement, reached its zenith in Lahore. So Imran Khan definitely picked the right place to announce plans to launch a civil disobedience movement if PTIs demands are not met. On a related note, having long been criticised for being a man on a mission; without a stated mission, Khan has finally taken a clear stance for mobilising the masses. Whats more, it is a stance that most Pakistanis, sick and tired of squandering politicians, hold dear to their hearts: accountability across the board. But mere sloganeering is hardly new to the countrys political scene and given the plethora of news channels, todays news can easily become tomorrows trash. The real test for Imran Khan and PTI lies in the months ahead. After all, rallying the nation behind a slogan that can parallel Jinnahs "two-nation theory" or Bhuttos "roti, kapra aur makaan" will be an uphill task, to say the least. The call to arms against endemic corruption and embezzlement of the nations wealth has led to the gravitation of students and urban youth towards the former cricketer. However, drawing the support of a peasant from a remote village may be a different ball game altogether. If history is any guide, it is not unfathomable that Imran Khans "movement" may be hijacked by the conventional elites (feudal landlords, prominent businessmen, etc) come election time. After all, in 1937, Muslim League failed to achieve the confidence of the majority of the Muslim population. It was only after a massive shift of the Muslim elites of the time from Congress to Muslim League, that the lack of confidence the Muslim League among the Muslim population was dramatically reversed in the 1946 elections. Those elite were definitely moved by Jinnahs rising popularity among the people, but land reforms promised by the Congress-led government which saw landholdings of major landlords of the time shrink, also led to their switching loyalties. However, after Jinnah, the elite captured Pakistan Muslim League and the culture of rent seeking was institutionalised in a carefully orchestrated manner. The social and economic disparities rampant in the country today, were initiated by the elites of that time. Over the years, the army as well as the bureaucracy conveniently joined this elite club in the 1950s and have had their share in rent seeking practices. Similarly, the second wave of change emerged when ZA Bhutto left Ayubs office and on June 21, 1967, his famous Lahore speech attracted the masses to the nationalist-socialist manifesto of Peoples Party. Initially, Bhuttos party was predominantly made up of bright, young student leaders. However, by the time Bhutto-led Party went to the polls in 1977, the party ranks were already teeming with the same elite. The very same influential landlords and industry barons rose as the stars of the 1977 elections and the PPP have been in their hands since that time. Apart from Jinnah and Bhutto, most other leaders of political parties have either inherited political dominions along with the family jewels or cropped up as proxies of the countrys intelligence agencies. So, any argument about a lack of a clear political manifesto for PTI may be precluded by the simple observation that most other established parties also do not have a clear vision for governance or reform. The million dollar question then is not whether Imran Khan can continue to garner support for a movement that promises sweeping changes in the country, it is whether he can form alliances with other influential individuals without letting them hijack the whims of the proletariat.






















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